英語(yǔ)課三分鐘演講稿
英語(yǔ)課三分鐘演講稿
英語(yǔ)演講除了形式之外，真正能打動(dòng)觀眾的還是演講的內(nèi)容。下面是學(xué)習(xí)啦小編為你整理的幾篇英語(yǔ)課三分鐘演講稿，希望能幫到你喲。
英語(yǔ)課三分鐘演講稿篇一
general tso's chicken -- which, by the way, in the us naval academy is called admiral tso's chicken. i love this dish. the original name in my book was actually called the long march of general tso, and he has marched very far indeed, because he is sweet, he is fried, and he is chicken -- all things that americans love.
左宗棠雞，在美國(guó)海軍軍校被稱為左司令雞。我很喜歡這道菜。在我的書(shū)里，這道菜實(shí)際上叫左將軍的長(zhǎng)征，它確實(shí)在美國(guó)很受歡迎 ，因?yàn)樗翘鸬?，油炸的，是雞肉做的——全部都是美國(guó)人的最愛(ài)。
so, you know, i realized when i was there, general tso is kind of a lot like colonel sanders in america, in that he's known for chicken and not war. but in china, this guy's actually known for war and not chicken.
我意識(shí)到左宗棠將軍有點(diǎn)像美國(guó)的桑德斯上校(肯德基創(chuàng)始人)，因?yàn)樗且螂u肉而出名的而不是戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。而在中國(guó)，左宗棠確實(shí)是因?yàn)閼?zhàn)爭(zhēng)而不是雞肉聞名的。
so it's kind of part of the phenomenon i called spontaneous self-organization, right, where, like in ant colonies, where little decisions made by -- on the micro-level actually have a big impact on the macro-level.
這就有點(diǎn)像我所說(shuō)的自發(fā)組織現(xiàn)象。就像在螞蟻群中，在微觀層面上做的小小決定會(huì)在宏觀層面上產(chǎn)生巨大的影響。
and the great innovation of chicken mcnuggets was not nuggetfying them, because that's kind of an easy concept, but the trick behind chicken mcnuggets was, they were able to remove the chicken from the bone in a cost-effective manner, which is why it took so long for other people to copy them.
麥樂(lè)雞塊的發(fā)明并沒(méi)有給他們帶來(lái)切實(shí)收益，因?yàn)檫@個(gè)想法很簡(jiǎn)單，但麥樂(lè)雞背后的技巧是如何用一種劃算的方式來(lái)把雞肉從骨頭上剔出來(lái)。這就是為什么過(guò)了這么久才有人模仿他們。
we can think of chinese restaurants perhaps as linux: sort of an open source thing, right, where ideas from one person can be copied and propagated across the entire system, that there can be specialized versions of chinese food, you know, depending on the region.
我們可以把中餐館比作linux：一種開(kāi)源系統(tǒng)。一個(gè)人的想法可以在整個(gè)系統(tǒng)中被復(fù)制，被普及。在不同的地區(qū)，就有特別版本的中國(guó)菜。
英語(yǔ)課三分鐘演講稿篇二
we have also come to this hallowed spot to remind america of the fierce urgency of now. this is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of god's children. now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.
it would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the negro. this sweltering summer of the negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.
those who hope that the negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. there will be neither rest nor tranquility in america until the negro is granted his citizenship rights. the whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
but there is something that i must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. in the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.
we must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
英語(yǔ)課三分鐘演講稿篇三
five score years ago, a great american, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the emancipation proclamation. this momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. it came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.
but one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the negro is still not free. one hundred years later, the life of the negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. one hundred years later, the negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. one hundred years later, the negro is still languishing in the corners of american society and finds himself an exile in his own land. so we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.
in a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. when the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the constitution and the declaration of independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every american was to fall heir. this note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
it is obvious today that america has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. instead of honoring this sacred obligation, america has given the negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." but we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. we refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.
so we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
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